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Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar today declared that the Prime Minister Narendra Modi had failed in the examination and said the budget promises 'acchhe din' only for those having black money. There is nothing in the budget for farmers or any other section of society. People got only disappointment from the budget of the modi govt nitish. Mocking Modi who had yesterday said he had an exam today with reference to the budget, Nitish said, result is out and he failed to pass. Nitish also targeted the Centre for the compliance window for blackmoney holders. The budget promises ‘Acchhe din’ only for holders of black money. By giving amnesty to holders of black money that they could pay only 45% of the total amount and can do ‘mauj’ (enjoy) with rest 55 % the Modi government has in a way given license to convert black money into white, he said. Is this what you had promised on black money before 2014 election After two years your government has come up with an amnesty scheme for holders of black money, Nitish whose rivalry with the Modi is an open secret, said. 
He took a potshot at Finance Minister Arun Jaitley too and said, While presenting budget in Parliament, he did not look like a man knowing well about economics and rather appeared as a lawyer who put a lot of emphasis during his speech on dispute settlement. Kumar said Bihar felt let down as there was neither reference of any allocation of money for the special package of INR 1.25 lakh crore and INR 40,000 crore of earlier packages nor a mention of BRGF (Backward Regional Grant Fund) in the Annexure which is a bonafide right of the state in the wake of creation of Jharkhand out of it.
The Bihar Chief Minister also took a jibe at assertions that the budget plans to double famers’ income in five years, saying “even if this happens, what will they get? Farmers’ monthly income presently stands at about INR 1,500-2,000. What will they get if it doubles up to INR 3,500-4,000 in next five years? What about the poll promise of giving an MSP to farmers after adding 50 % on the input cost.  he asked. He said Bihar would lose around INR 10,000 crore in 2016-17 due to less allotment to the state in accordance with 14th Finance Commission recommendations. Likewise, in rural roads under PMGSY, Bihar had sent a proposal of INR 4,000 crore for 2015-16 and it got only INR 2,781 crore in the budget, he said.
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After registering a thumping win as reflected in the Bihar elections results 2015, against the Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad Yadav today declared Janata Dal (United) leader Nitish Kumar will continue as Bihar chief minister despite his party emerging as the table topper, while he will launch a nation-wide stir against the “communal” Modi government.
Exultant after the JD(U)-RJD-Congress alliance appeared on course to a resounding victory, a jubilant Prasad claimed continuance of the Modi government will “break the nation into pieces”.
Putting up a stunning show, the JD(U)-led grand alliance won a thumping majority in the Bihar assembly after inflicting a crushing defeat on the BJP-led NDA.
Nitish Kumar thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Congress presidentSonia Gandhi after they called to congratulate him on putting the JD(U)-led grand alliance on the road to victory in the assembly polls. “Just received a phone call from the Prime Minister congratulating me..@narendramodi thank you Modiji,” he said in a series of tweets.
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi basking under the glow of ‘success’ at the hustings took a a dig at Narendra Modi over NDA’s setback in Bihar saying PM should “step on the accelerator or people will throw him out of the driver’s seat”. He declined to comment on whether his party would participate in the new government under Nitish Kumar. “Since Modiji has become Prime Minister, there have been only promises. Start the work. One year has passed and your car is not starting,” he added.

Here are the Seats and Vote share of the Parties:


Now the Discussion, To whom it's Useful...?

There are unmistakable signs of hardening of political positions in India in the wake of the Bihar election results that have given a clear mandate to Nitish Kumar-led RJD-JD(U)-Congress alliance. Nitish Kumar would now emerge as a political fulcrum around which all anti-BJP and anti-Modi political forces would converge.
Though Nitish Kumar owes his victory to a powerful social coalition of backward classes and Muslims, he would be heading an inherently fragile coalition of three parties which are quite different from one another temperamentally and culturally. As he gets ready to take over as chief minister for the fifth time, he has an unenviable task of managing extreme contradictions on his hands.
A seasoned politician that he is, Kumar is aware of his challenges and may be well-prepared for the task ahead. But that would be less of a challenge as compared to managing the larger-than-life he would acquire for stopping Modi in his track in a critical state like Bihar. The results would invariably throw a question: how serious a challenge he would be for the RSS-BJP combine?
In the context of this election, it would be naïve to believe that it was fought on the planks of ideology and development. Bihar election should be a sign of worry for the democracy. It was case where, to use Plato’s words, “masses were moved by emotion rather than reason and by short-term self-interest rather than long-term wisdom”. The Grand Alliance and the BJP competed with each other to pander to such emotions.
In fact, Nitish Kumar was never an ideological challenge to the RSS-BJP combine or Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His opposition to Modi has much to do with his personal ambition than aversion to Modi’s ideology. It became evident the moment he roped in Modi’s strategist Prashant Kishore to his core team with the hope that he would employ the same tools of propaganda which Kishore used in 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Kishore and his team rose up to the expectation and beat the BJP in its own game of deception and propaganda.There was a brazen attempt to mobilise voters on the basis of identity. Nitish forged a formidable Muslim-Yadav-Kurmi coalition to which a significant section of the extremely backward classes (EBCs) got drawn. The BJP harped on religious polarisation but could not project itself convincingly as protector of the EBC’s political interests. Nitish’s credential as an impeccable chief minister also helped him emerge as a more reliable leader than a motley group of upper caste central ministers who became the interface between Modi and the people of Bihar.
But strengthening of castes would not necessarily defang communalism. In Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, caste consolidation by regional parties espousing secularism has often proved to be too vulnerable to mobilization of people on communal lines. This was amply demonstated in UP where Dalits and Yadav deserted their political camps and voted for the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections in the post-Muzaffarnagar riot phase. Similarly in Bihar, the BJP got substantial votes of Yadavs in the Lok Sabha as their leader Lalu Yadav was out of contest. In the ultimate analysis, casteism practiced by regional leaders of Hindi heartland never proved to be an effective antidote to mobilisation on religious lines.
In such a setting, the victory of Nitish Kumar in the assembly election would not change the grammar of Indian politics. Those who worked with Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar testify that both share many common traits. Both are meticulous, honest, hardworking and come from a humble background. In their respective settings, both are often accused of being “arrogant and authoritative”. Their politics may diverge but it leaves the scope of the twain meeting in future.
However, the Bihar election would mark the beginning of silly season where logic and rationality would be expendable. The anti-Modi rhetoric would be amplified to a din where the discourse would often degenerate to mutual recrimination. Such a situation is often a precursor to further radicalisation of society. This was convincingly confirmed by the fact that India’s biggest electoral mandate won by Rajiv Gandhi in 1984 rode on the wave of communal consolidation.
Similarly, VP Singh’s emergence as a counter to Rajiv Gandhi proved to be politically ephemeral as its ideological base was no distinct from the Congress, which bounced back to assert itself. As the jubilation in Patna fades away and Nitish Kumar occupies the official bungalow at Anne Marg, he would certainly be conscious of the fragility of this electoral victory more than anybody else.

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